He introduced for the first time the concept of a common homeland for European countries, declaring the now iconic slogan: “Our Homeland Europe.” The birth of the Europe of nations took place in the early years following the end of the Second World War, an ambitious and forward-looking project championed by the prominent statesmen of Italy, France, Germany, and Belgium, with the primary objective of rebuilding countries devastated by the war and fostering cooperation among peoples. In De Gasperi’s speech, the founding principles of a united Europe proved particularly compelling, resting on great ideals such as liberty, justice and peace. The guarantee of safeguarding national borders and sovereignty among the member countries relied on a unified effort to protect these nations’ geographical and political boundaries, thus establishing a common Defence Community. Defensive alliances and, importantly, the ensued armaments were viewed as a necessary preliminary measure, for it was deemed impossible to build the European Community without first delineating the area to be defended. European defence involved the establishment of a common army and joint arms production. France, however, resisted this vision, as it did not favour the rearmament of Germany, defeated in its Hitlerian and imperialistic ambitions.
The formation of a Europe of nations took place in the context of the Second World War’s lingering effects, with the Soviet Union on the doorstep and a perceived need for a common military force to guard the terrestrial, maritime, and aerial borders. The Council of Europe, convening in Strasbourg, voted for the establishment of a European army, while NATO openly called for Germany’s rearmament and military participation, pushing France’s staunch resistance to this policy within the Atlantic framework. The creation of the European Defence Community (EDC) stalled for a prolonged period, and the Italian government proposed the establishment of an assembly to oversee the integrated military force. The Italian proposal was unsuccessful, largely due to Franco-German disagreements, which were only resolved by an American ultimatum, threatening to arm a German military unless the EDC treaty was promptly signed. The treaty was signed on May 27, 1952, restoring full national sovereignty to Germany, though it left the final decision to accept the EDC treaty to national parliaments. The French National Assembly rejected the treaty on August 30, 1954, and in the wake of the French decision, Italy also declined to sign. Consequently, the European Defence Community, as envisaged by the 1952 treaty, never came into effect. A solution for German rearmament was eventually found, allowing West Germany to establish its own military force with limitations on the number of troops and arms.
It is evident that, over the course of seventy years, the absence of an EDC-like body has only become more pressing in light of ongoing conflicts, given that certain expansionist appetites still threaten Europe. Russia’s invasion of Crimea, followed by its invasion of Ukraine, underscores this reality. The pressing requests to join NATO made in 2004 by Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia; in 2009 by Albania and Croatia; in 2017 by Montenegro; and in 2020 by North Macedonia; with the latest entries in 2024 by Sweden and Finland, were driven by the perceived threats on their borders from Russia.
The future of “Our Homeland Europe” demands a radical change of course: no more Europe of bankers and bureaucrats, no more wasting time imposing cricket flour or other absurdities on sovereign nations, no more green policies at all costs, resulting in the loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs, no more admissions into the European Community of nations that aim to use Europe as a cash machine without offering anything in return, no more inertia resulting from vetoes by this or that state. Democratic governance should not require unanimity at all costs but should proceed with the approval of measures based on the formation of political and programmatic majorities.
Mario Draghi’s report on the future of European competitiveness has laid bare the flaws of this Europe. While we remain staunchly Europeanist, we are equally aware that this Europe, as currently structured, is unsatisfactory. However, if we believe that the Draghi formula is the best path forward, then let us move forward without further hesitation, before unrestrained sovereignty undermines the dream of a United States of Europe.
Edited by Prof. Alessandro Calabrese
